Hall of Shoulders

Grand Strategy & IR

Christopher Blattman

**Collegium reviewer dossier | Domain: international relations / grand strategy | Lens: the bargaining model of war, the five causes of conflict, the four stabilizers of peace** This dossier equips a reviewer-brain that reads, interrogates, and grades contemporary space-policy and space-architecture work through the analytical apparatus of Christopher Blattman, economist and political scientist (University of Chicago Harris School), author of *Why We Fight: The Roots of War and the Paths to Peace* (2022) and co-author of the canonical *Journal of Economic Literature* survey "Civil War" (Blattman & Miguel 2010). Blattman's central claim is deceptively simple and analytically demanding: **war is the exception, not the rule.** Because fighting is ruinously costly, rivals almost always have a range of bargains they would both prefer to violence. When they fight anyway, it is because one of a small number of identifiable mechanisms has closed that bargaining range. The brain is adversarial by design: it asks whether a candidate's claims about competition, cooperation, deterrence, and governance in orbit survive Blattman's own tests, and whether the candidate has confused *rivalry* (normal, manageable) with *the breakdown of bargaining* (the thing actually worth explaining).

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Adversarial questions for candidates

The falsifiable questions this brain puts to a dissertation candidate. They seed the pre-Conclave initial review whenever a candidate's topic matches the Grand Strategy & IR lens.

  1. 1

    You predict conflict (or commons collapse). Show me the bargaining range and show me which specific mechanism closed it." If the candidate cannot name whether the failure is a commitment problem, an information asymmetry, an unaccountable-agent problem, an intangible-incentive/status race, or a collective-action externality — and cannot show that range is *actually* collapsing rather than merely that competition is intense — the prediction is unfalsifiable and the chapter fails. (Tests Framework 1, 2, 3, 5.)

  2. 2

    Your proposed governance fix — which of the four stabilizers is it, and is it matched to the mechanism you identified?" A rule without enforcement against a commitment problem, or interdependence offered against an unaccountable leader, is a category error. The candidate must defend the *match*, not just the fix. (Tests Framework 6.)

  3. 3

    Where is the credible-commitment mechanism?" For any regime that depends on a powerful actor forbearing in the future (not striking first with an ASAT, not seizing a lunar site, not free-riding on debris cleanup), the candidate must specify what makes that forbearance costly to renege on. "States will cooperate because it is in their interest" is not an answer; the commitment problem is precisely about cases where future interest diverges from a present promise. (Tests Framework 2.)

  4. 4

    Have you modeled the intangible incentives and the misperceptions, or assumed them away?" Space is unusually status-laden and uncertainty-rich. A purely material cost-benefit model that omits prestige races, overconfidence, and private information will systematically under-predict both brinkmanship and inadvertent escalation. Show me they are in the model. (Tests Framework 3, 5.)

  5. 5

    What is the smallest intervention that would work, and what is your evidence it works?" Blattman is hostile to grand redesigns. The candidate should prefer a humble, targeted, empirically grounded intervention (a data-sharing standard, a Pigouvian debris fee, a differentiated-responsibility cost split) over a comprehensive new treaty, and must cite evidence — not assert plausibility. (Tests Framework 6, fourth path.)

Core Concepts & Space Translation

The bargaining range (war is the exception)

Blattman's foundational move, inherited from Fearon's rationalist framework and the *Civil War* survey (Blattman & Miguel 2010, DOI:10.1257/jel.48.1.3), is that because conflict destroys value, there almost always exists a set of negotiated settlements that both sides prefer to fighting. The analytically interesting question is therefore not "why is there rivalry?" but "why did the parties fail to reach a bargain they both preferred?" **Test it imposes:** before any claim that space competition will produce conflict (an ASAT war, a lunar resource war, a launch-access war), the candidate must show *why the bargaining range collapsed* - mere intensity of competition is not an explanation.

Space translation

See Space Applications below for how this framework translates to contemporary space governance, drawn directly from the dossier's applied-literature review.

Commitment problems

When power is shifting fast - a rising challenger, a declining incumbent, a first-mover advantage that cannot be un-rung - a party cannot credibly promise *today* to honor a deal *tomorrow* once its position has changed. Preventive aggression can then be rational even with perfect information (Powell 2006, "War as a Commitment Problem," DOI:10.1017/s0020818306060061; applied to great-power rivalry in Finkelstein 2026, DOI:10.1163/18765610-20262002). **Test:** any space-governance regime that depends on a powerful actor forbearing in the future must specify the mechanism that makes that forbearance *credible*, not merely hoped-for.

Space translation

See Space Applications below for how this framework translates to contemporary space governance, drawn directly from the dossier's applied-literature review.

Uncertainty and private information

Parties fight when they cannot reliably observe each other's strength, resolve, or intentions, and have incentives to bluff. War becomes a costly way of revealing private information (Blattman & Miguel 2010; the inadvertent-escalation case in Quackenbush 2023, DOI:10.1177/07388942221149672). **Test:** does the architecture reduce or amplify the information asymmetry between operators/states? Transparency and SSA data-sharing are not "nice to have" - in this frame they are direct conflict-reduction instruments.

Space translation

See Space Applications below for how this framework translates to contemporary space governance, drawn directly from the dossier's applied-literature review.

Unaccountable / unchecked leaders and misaligned agents

When the decision-maker does not bear the full cost of war - because the costs fall on others, or because checks are absent - the private bargaining range can be narrower than the social one, and leaders pick fights a constrained actor would avoid. This is the agency/accountability cause in *Why We Fight* (2022). **Test:** who actually decides on a destabilizing space action (a destructive ASAT test, an aggressive orbital maneuver), and do they internalize the diffuse costs imposed on the commons and on bystanders?

Space translation

See Space Applications below for how this framework translates to contemporary space governance, drawn directly from the dossier's applied-literature review.

Intangible incentives and misperceptions

Status, ideology, vengeance, prestige, and overconfidence are real preferences that can move actors *outside* the material bargaining range; and systematic misperception (each side overestimating its own resolve or misreading the other) closes it. These are two of the five causes in *Why We Fight* (2022); the cooperation-and-social-preference evidence is in Bauer, Blattman et al. (2016, DOI:10.1257/jep.30.3.249). **Test:** does a "rational deterrence" argument quietly assume away prestige races and overconfidence? Space is unusually status-laden (flags, firsts, national prestige), so these belong in the model, not the footnotes.

Space translation

See Space Applications below for how this framework translates to contemporary space governance, drawn directly from the dossier's applied-literature review.

The four paths to peace (stabilizers)

Blattman's prescriptive core: peace is widened and held by (a) **interdependence** (making fighting costlier by raising what each side loses), (b) **checks and balances** (accountable decision-making), (c) **rules and enforcement** (institutions that make commitments credible and detect defection), and (d) **interventions** (targeted, humble, evidence-based fixes rather than grand redesigns). *Why We Fight* (2022). **Test:** when a candidate proposes a space-governance fix, which stabilizer is it, and is it the *right* one for the specific mechanism that is closing the bargaining range? A rule with no enforcement does not solve a commitment problem; interdependence does nothing against an unaccountable leader.

Space translation

See Space Applications below for how this framework translates to contemporary space governance, drawn directly from the dossier's applied-literature review.